As posed Gareth S. Jones on political movements, this is an essay that tries to deepen the relationship between the international situation and socio-political development in our country in the first half of the 1940s. In the relationship between growth of the labor movement, the Peronist political expression and the Second World War.
We try to discern the mechanisms that led to such tremendous polarization between who was the U.S. ambassador in our country and a colonel in the Argentine Army, summarized in the slogan Braden or Peron.
Was there interference from the United States in the 1946 elections?
What is the role Braden in the formation of the Democratic Union?
As posed by some authors, is the abuse of intervention ultimately favors ambassador to the electoral victory of the formula of the Labor Party formed by Perón-Quijano?
As shown have placed the focus of the work on the historical-political rather than on a sociological interpretation.
INTRODUCTION
In the introduction we will sketch the outlines of the three aspects that we integrate for the job:
a) A vision of the working class, especially from the import substitution phase, which will be one of the pillars of Peronism.
b) A summary of the most important events that occur after 1930, with the overthrow of the Hipólito Yrigoyen, by the Armed Forces.
c) An overview of the international situation, especially since the outbreak of the Second World War (1939-1945).
LABOR MOVEMENT
The labor movement has been defined as the backbone of Peronism, but what were the characteristics of the movement in the 1940s? During the 30s produced qualitative and quantitative changes in it.
From a quantitative point of view, in the early years of the decade, shows the numerical growth of the working class as a result of industrialization through import substitution. The cities of Buenos Aires and Rosario are the migratory flow mainly from the provinces of Northwest, Northeast and Cuyo.
The newcomers join the labor in emerging industries. It acts as a major factor in this process, the crisis of internal economies, combined with the attraction of the industrializing process.
As we can see qualitative ideological changes in the labor movement: note especially two;
1) A growing tendency toward political participation, accompanied by a new attitude toward the state.
2nd) increased identification with the movement's national problem.
To understand these changes in consciousness remember that the first two currents that hegemony to labor between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, are anarchism and socialism. The first argued, among other principles, the absolute repudiation of the political-institutional participation. An example that do not form or participate in any political party and boycott the elections.
Socialists instead articulate the struggle from labor organizations with political and institutional participation through the Socialist Party.
In 1903 the Guild Socialism suffers a split: the current call pure or revolutionary syndicalist union born with a critical stance regarding the political-institutional participation, approaching in some poses to current anarchist. This also suffers from divisions during the 1910s, an emerging moderda wing pro-settlement with the state.
In 1922 he founded the U.S.A. (Union Sindical Argentina). In this new plant has the current unionist majority share in it the Communists and Socialists. The latter in the following years and founded his own retreat center COA and communists are expelled.
In 1930 the socialist trade unions and created the General Labor Confederation (CGT). This new organization would be divided a few years later.
This long string of mergers, breakups, alliances and new breaks makes the 1943 coup, find a labor movement that lacks a single central trade union organization.
Before further progress should remember that the relationship between the labor movement and the state ranged from fighting and subsequent repression as in the case of the Tragic Week in 1919 and the great strike of the Province of Santa Cruz in 1921 - until acceptance State arbitration role in some specific claims conflicts during the 1930s. Turning to the situation of the labor movement in 1943, two trade union confederations are vying for leadership: CGT No. 1 and C.G.T. No. 2.
According to Matsushita:
"While No. 1 was characterized by its tendency to independence of the labor movement regarding political parties, especially the Communist Party's No. 2 was characterized by its inclination to link the labor movement and politics." (2)
Facing the revolution of June 4, 1943 the two CGT, adopt similar positions. Received favorably on the military government and various press releases criticizing the government agree to Castillo.
The axis of the statements focus on economic policy, quite unfavorable to workers (legislation, wages, cost of living), the systematic use of electoral fraud and violation of civil liberties. Another important axis is the union claims corruption in all spheres of the deposed government.
The labor movement, as noted earlier, is to identify with the national problem in the 1930s through the criticism of the Roca-Runciman laws of coordination of transport, privatization at the hands of foreign companies for some services municipal labor movement will lead to demands to include anti-imperialist struggle in their programs.
From another angle of history and sociology has approached the study of the hypothetical division of the working class of Argentina, from import substitution industrialization and the resulting internal migrants, older workers and new workers. We believe that this debate has been overtaken by current historiography.
POLITICAL SITUATION
One of the characterizations of the period from 1930 to 1943 in our country is the name of "Infamous Decade" and is one of the fundamental causes that justify the coup of June 1943.
The political prestige reached at that moment is so vast that it is beyond the scope of this work, but we can not fail to mention some of the salient facts that impact on society:
Economically:
a) Roca-Runciman
b) Creation of the Central Bank
c) Regulatory Boards
d) Loan unlock
e) Transport Corporation
Business Research:
a) Bureau of meat. (Research by Lisandro de la Torre - The murder of Enzo Bordabehere).
b) The purchase of land in El Palomar.
c) Commission Opinion Rodriguez Conde by bribes paid to the extension of concessions to power companies.
d) Negotiated with the purchase of armaments in the 1920s - (Being involved the president Agustín P. Justo).
Politically:
a) Electoral fraud
b) political scandals.
INTERNATIONAL SITUATION
Assuming ethnic population in Argentina, because of the immigration flow from the late nineteenth century and the beginning of this, the events unfolding in the world especially in Europe, have great impact on our society.
Hence the emergence of fascism in the 1920s and Nazism in the 1930s, will not be indifferent to the society in Argentina. The culmination of this process will be the Spanish civil war (1936-39) that will lead to an alignment on either side population and a confrontation within the Spanish community.
In the development of World War II we will look at different times that will redirect the various forces, both the external and the internal. Rather than shift will be abrupt changes such as the move from a position of neutrality to outright involvement in the conflict.
a) The first point is located from the invasion of Poland by Germany 01/09/1939 until 22/06/1941 when it invaded Russia. We need to note that the date of commencement of War is formal, as both Germany and Italy had openly intervened in the Spanish Civil War to support Francisco Franco had already been finalized and the occupation of Czechoslovakia by Hitler and Mussolini in Albania, so no one could doubt his intentions.
b) A second instance is developed from the entry into the conflict in Russia until the 07/12/1941 which is made the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor that will mean the entry of the United States to the fight-two years after that had been initiated. At this stage in the local political scene we see a change in position of some organizations (influenced or directed by the Argentine Communist Party) that a press pass staunch neutrality internally by Argentina's participation in the Allied camp.
c) The third period we can narrow down from 07/12/1941 until the end of strife between May and August 1945, upon detonation by U.S. atomic bombs on two Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. With the initiation of this period is to give the final shape of the two blocks, first the allies (U.S., Britain, France and Russia) and on the other axis (Germany, Italy and Japan).
From this moment we see a pressure increasing on the part of States Uniods to all Latin American countries for entry into the conflict. On this last point we need to mention and clarify some historiographical concepts regarding the neutrality maintained by our country until almost the end of the war.
Since 1939-beginning of the conflict-Argentina opens a letter of credit to Britain and increase the delivery of our products that you just arrive without any problems for neutrality maintained by our country.
As he puts Sergio Bagú:
"A powerful ally had then, behind the scenes the Argentine regime. It was the United Kingdom. What the government did with Castillo send meat and grain to bulk credit and it was enough for now. The break with the axis, however, not only would disrupt or diminish these shipments, but would put the country squarely within the orbit as Pan and rush had already begun painfully: the liquidation of British investments and their transfer to the hands Americans "(3)
As seen what is at the heart of the matter is an inter-imperialist conflict. Another historian Díaz Araujo, outlines the following:
"Because it's true this is the touchstone of the matter: the castle was not neutral but pro-Nazi Anglophile" (4)
To conclude this point we took other side as Michelangelo Scenna historiography, which says: "Foreign Policy in 1941, Castillo was the logical extreme of the Roca-Runciman. By no means was pro-Nazi and was accused at the time but excessively pro-British. Rather than an expression of nationalism, was the last aspect of colonialism. " (5)
We believe that from this analysis it is clear that the great support from Argentina's neutrality during the entire second World War, is Britain.
This is the international situation occurs when the Revolution of 1943 in our country.
DEVELOPMENT
With the military coup on June 4, 1943 opened a period of political transition in Argentina.
We will not expose in this paper the various versions historiography on the government's attempt Rawlings fails to swear and the coup within the coup that hovers Ramirez. We like poses that Diaz Araujo:
"The reasons for international or domestic policy now or then argued look like mere excuses to cover up the stark struggle for power" (6)
We must emphasize that this blatant power struggle also occurs in the GOU (Group of United Officers) military lodge that is the driving force behind the coup of June which we mention but do not go for not being part of our goal.
With the new government headed by General Pedro Pablo Ramirez, Argentina, continues to maintain a neutral position in the war despite mounting pressures to the contrary by the United States.
Regarding domestic politics on 27 November 1943 creates a new agency, the Ministry of Labor and Welfare, and was named to head the same Colonel John D. Peron, from this position begins to make itself known, taking some of the key concerns of the emerging workforce that continues to grow, now in greater numbers by the conjuncture of global conflict.
A premise of the new secretary of Labor and Welfare, was to enforce the laws, most of them socialist origin, but not applied or did half. Otherwise extend the range of application within the territory as the mills Tucuman and Salta, the quebrachales of Chaco, Corrientes and Misiones yerbatales where it undergoes delegations of the Secretariat to ensure compliance.
Some of the most important decree-laws enacted were:
Law 23,852, "Professional Associations" that gave the majority union union status of each trade.
Law 31,665, Retirement, by which the pension scheme was extended to virtually all workers in the country. With the enactment of this law gave rise to the first mass rally in which Peron spoke to a large number of workers in front of the Secretariat, on 4 December 1944. The event was organized by Angel Borlenghi, president of the Second Ordinary Congress of the CGT and Secretary of Commerce Employees Union, one of the most important leaders of the socialist trade unionism.
Law 28164, the famous "Statute of Pawn" from 1815 in that the side of the Province of Buenos Aires, condemned to every individual of the campaign to serve under a master, had not legislated on industrial relations in the Argentine countryside. The minimum wage, Sunday rest, vacation, severance and other paragraphs break with the paternalistic relationship with their peons rancher.
Law 32,347, which was formalized by the Labor Court, by which they set the rules and cumbersome procedures for compliance with labor laws.
These are some of the measures taken by the Ministry of Labor and apart from the agreements signed between employers and workers, where the state as an arbitrator award in favor of employees.
As posed Carlos S. Fayt:
"... was unquestionable that social improvements were the result of worker participation, that these improvements will benefit the working class and the opposition forces employers to these improvements and helped to define benefits for Peron's support of most of the leaders. They, thereafter, acted to defend convinced that Peron and the Secretary of Labor truly defending the interests of the working class. " (7)
Apart from labor laws, a measure that drove Peron was the fall and then freezing of rents by Decree 6141/44, which increased rapidly in popularity.
Meanwhile the U.S. pressures continue to increase for Argentina to break relations with the axis, especially after Chile, another who resisted, broke off relations in early 1943.
One of the actions proposed by Cordell Hull, Secretary of State, U.S. President T. Roosevelt was to provide modern weapons and large quantities to Brazil, to pressure the Argentine government.
In February 1944 Ramirez away from the presidency and is replaced by General E. Farrell, for which there is increased pressure.
As posed Alberto Ciria:
"... United States, in a change of tactics, refused to recognize (...) On June 22, 1944 United States called its ambassador to Washington Norman Armor. The Argentine government contends doing the same with Adrian Escobar, our ambassador to the North country traveling back to Buenos Aires. The State Department takes this opportunity to suggest to the other Latin American republics to withdraw their ambassadors accredited in Argentina within a fortnight. On 23 June 1944, the United States recognizes the Bolivian government "purged" of their guilt and Nazis. Argentina is the ultimate outcast.
On 15 August 1944 the U.S. government took the step that had long advocated Treasury Secretary Morgenthau: froze the gold reserves of Argentina in the United States. It banned the American merchant vessels touched Argentine ports, and extensive restrictions were applied to exports that were made to the Republic of Silver ". (8)
In domestic political terms, on December 31, 1943, has released a decree that provides for the dissolution of political parties also decreed compulsory religious education in Catholic primary schools and secondary schools throughout the country, leaving aside the tradition of secular education in force since 1884 -. Alongside these measures were stepped University named to head the various houses of studies to outstanding men of the clerical fraternity.
In early 1944 an earthquake in the province of San Juan and the "public collection" is performed becoming known beyond her acting work, the figure of Maria Eva Duarte.
Occur within the various military government infighting, the military sectors opposed to Colonel Peron did not sit idle as this, with Farrell's rise to the presidency passes to the post of Minister of War on February 26, 1944 and July 7 that year, the Vice President also retaining his post as Secretary of Labor and Welfare. We counted within these struggles the abortive attempt of Lt. Col. Thomas A. Duco.
When released to Paris by the allies, he made some statements of support led by the traditional political parties despite the dissolution decree.
Summing up the steps of the coup on 4 June 1943, after a year of being in office we can see great progress in the social field through the laws given in the labor force and a decline in the field prohibitions and political interventions.
The opposition starts a nuclear around slogans that relate to the war, and accusations of Nazism began to military rule combining the preaching of the traditional parties on civil liberties with incredible pressure from the United States to break off relations with the axis.
Some historians wonder, what happens in this moment with the political parties that raised the flags of social gains, as the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. What counts is the political and historical conjuncture mark orientation: all the support the camp of the allies. Based on this situation we see situations that seem incredible historical evolution, from 1941 U.S.
pressure on governments in the rest of America to establish diplomatic and economic relations with the USSR, on the other hand gives full support to the CTAL (Confederation of Latin American Workers) led by the Communists. In this aspect, Spanish historian José Luis Rubio poses:
"But the American support for C.T.A.L. is not without something in return very high, so high that it could be said without exaggeration that the Communists in the CTAL then were the "useful idiots", the "fellow travelers" of U.S. imperialism. The C.T.A.L. -Communist parties and all pro-Moscow official, adopt a position contrary to national and popular movements-oligarchic and anti-imperialists "of the moment (...) were in Argentina, with the pro-imperialist oligarchy against the masses in day of October 17, 1945 (...) In Bolivia Villarroel-driver were against union miners and the awareness of the indigenous population, and a man who tried to control the tin-mining companies who hung of a bluff in an uprising "fascist" who joined the Communists with representatives of the "thread" oligarchic. (...) The C.T.A.L. adopts a position contrary to all social movements claim undertaken by workers from domestic firms or foreign. Condemns all strikes (...) All work aspirations must be sacrificed to the war effort against fascism. " (9)
The Argentine isolation grows, the Farrell government is not recognized by the United States, the vast majority of Latin American embassies were empty by the withdrawal of ambassadors, following the directives of the U.S. State Department. In this situation we add the 'sport of self-exile "held by political opponents, Miguel A. Scenna adds:
"Nicolas Repeto (high socialist leader) writes honestly about his memoir," I left Buenos Aires on its own determination at that time because nobody threatened or persecuted "continues to pose Scenna:" Not many, because it says there were twenty Repetto (...) more or less founded companies, one of which, of course, was called "Association de Mayo" with the clear historical and emotional connection that wanted to link with the exiles of Roses and formed a Board of Exiles, where the Repetto it represented the Socialist Party, the Democratic Progressive Julian Noble, Agustin Rodriguez Araya Radical Civic Union, José Aguirre House conservatives and Rodolfo Ghioldi communism. No one was absent. (10)
As you can see this "Board of Exiles" is the cornerstone of the future "Democratic Union", had settled in Montevideo and will issue a memo to all peoples of the Americas to work with the restoration of democratic rule in the Argentina. As Scenna says:
"That is, a warm invitation to intervene in the internal affairs Argentines" (11)
In January 1945 consumed the last attempt of Germany in the battlefield in western Saarland and failed in Bostogne in the East one hundred and eighty Soviet divisions break through Poland and on January 27, crossed the Oder River by foot in Germany two hundred miles from Berlin.
In the Pacific front Americans landed on Luzon and the British advance into Burma. The shaft is falling apart.
In Italy Mussolini was shot by Italian partisans in late April, in early May and Hitler committed suicide on the morning of May 7 Germany signs unconditional surrender. The last shots of this race is going to hear in the Pacific in late May and all that remained was the invasion of Japan.
In these circumstances one of the allies, the United States makes the decision to first use of atomic energy and the August 6, 1945 throws the bomb at Hiroshima, repeating the operation three days launching its second atomic bomb on Nagasaki. U.S. is showing the international community that is the hegemonic power at the end of World War II.
Politically, the allies are promoting the creation of the United Nations, an international organization whose theoretical goal would the peaceful resolution of international conflicts.
Argentina to join the United Nations declares war on March 27, 1945 to the shaft. From that moment fully normalized diplomatic relations with the countries of America.
In early July, Farrell formally undertakes to quickly call elections absolutely free. In August he lifts the state of siege that motivates the return of exiles from Montevideo had already standardized the University auditors government withdrawing from them.
In May the diplomatic normalization scene appears in the new United States ambassador, Spruille Braden.
With the arrival of Braden, the diplomatic relations that were coming to a rapid normalization, as Argentina had signed the minutes of Chapultepec-Mexico-(Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace), declared war on the axis and marginalizing the elements pro-Nazi by resignation or removal from office, they will quickly blur, his behavior will be characteristic of a viceroy arrived in the domain of a king of divine origin.
Braden is worth noting that in his long career both in the political arena or as a representative of the Rockefeller interests in Latin America was not characterized by respect for the sovereignty of Latin Americans. The ambassador had already left his mark on the Bolivian-Paraguayan war in the 1930s safeguarding the interests of Standard Oil, also led the campaign against the government of Lázaro Cárdenas when he nationalized the Mexican oil in 1936. A subsequent passage by Argentina, and in the 1950s, we see him leading the campaign against the government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala (12)
Amid protests from the Argentine government, Braden travels inside the country criticizing the government, his reply was:
"... that as the U.S. ambassador in Argentina was credited both to the Argentine people and with the Argentine government "(13)
Viceroy ambassador become the great defender of democracy will make rapid progress through nuclear around the opposition political parties, is the binding element of the future "Democratic Union", which depicts the most dissimilar Argentina's social structure, from the Conservative Party through the Radical to the Communist Party including the Rural Society, the Board of Trade, the Industrial Union of Argentina and the Chamber of Commerce.
On June 16 appears before the public a manifesto of industrialists and trade which came out against the government's social policy and oppose the conquests of the workers.
In response to this pressure, thousands of workers congregate on July 12, 1945 against the Ministry of Labor and, in this mobilization also involved non-Peronist trade unions.
As we see in the middle of 45, however, two well-defined fields in Argentina society, first of all working-class radicalism sectors Irigoyenism (WROUGHT who had been from the beginning to the side of Peron, after encolumnados management) and the other all the traditional parties, including the Socialist Party and the Communist Party (in lawlessness in much of the last fifteen years), middle and hegemonic economic interests within the fabric woven by the U.S. ambassador .
Moved schematically what happened in the battlefield of World War II, who had already completed, the political struggle in Argentina.
As an example, remember the words of Rodolfo Ghioldi, one of the top leaders of the Argentine Communist Party, at the ceremony on 1 September at Luna Park when greeting one of his political allies, "We welcome the reorganization of the opposition Conservative Party operated in to dictatorship, without detriment to the social traditions is poised to embrace national unity ... "but more important is the vision that gives respect to international perspectives;
"Conservation of friendship with Britain without detriment to national development; improve radically with the United States, starting from the line of good-neighborliness, now taken up by Secretary Byrnes and so heartily endorsed by Mr. Braden" (14)
When on August 28 the Radical Civic Union endorses Democratic Coordinating Board "is already completed legal assembly of the Democratic Union.
Your company presentation will be through the March of the Constitution and Freedom, on September 19. According to the newspapers of the time was something never seen on the streets of Buenos Aires, compact crowd marching blocks from Congress Plaza Callao to Plaza Francia, says Scenna:
"The head of the column was formed by the staffs of allied parties in the Democratic Union for the beneficiaries of the fraud and corruption Justismo by the magnates of the Infamous Decade, all brotherly arm in arm. Rivalries, hatreds, doctrines were behind. They were all one "(15)
Should be added that also participate in the march, senior U.S. and British embassies.
Braden could retire quietly, "the creature that had given birth, began to take its first steps," as he was promoted to Assistant Secretary of State for Latin American Affairs. Traveling on 23 September, but not before promising to use his new position to save democracy in Argentina.
This situation is reflected within the armed forces in late September there is an attempted military uprising led by Rawson in Cordoba to overthrow the government of Farrell, but fails. Not so the statement of Brigadier General Eduardo Avalos-by-Campo de Mayo on October 8 posed Peron exclusion of all government positions, the same day he submitted his resignation as Vice President, Secretary of War and Secretary of Labor and Welfare.
In giving the resignation of entire cabinet, setting the date for general elections to February 1946.
Leading the Executive Branch is Farrell but only two ministers, Avalos as War Minister and Admiral Vernengo Lima as Minister of Marine.
With these measures and the tumor is removed, Peron was not on any charge, but there is a government with only two ministers in charge of the rest of the portfolio, that does not conform to Democratic Coordinating Board first requiring the delivery of government Supreme Court or the "unconditional surrender" (as the surrender of the shaft) and a cabinet headed by Dr. Juan Alvarez. Farrell accepts and entrusted with the mission to form a democratic cabinet.
As Felix Luna poses with respect to the demands of the moment;
"They talked openly of making" the Nuremberg tribunals. He saw the men at arms in an attitude of surrender. Instead of filling the power vacuum that had occurred, wanted to take total power, without realizing that lacked the strength to do so and that the army had done everything he could do. Require more was absolutely unreal. "(16)
OCTOBER 17, 1945
Peron ousted from office, the next step the government is sending arrested Martin Garcia Island. At the head of the executive remains Gen. Farrell, but the strong man of the moment is Gen. Avalos. They begin the nine days that shook Argentina.
Unions call for mobilization without waiting for the call of the CGT, in fact forcing the leaders of it to open the discussion and take a stand (an example is the mobilization of FOTI-workers of the sugar industry in the Northwest from October 15). The Confederal Central Committee (CCC) takes place on October 16, it discusses two positions: one is that of those planning to convene a general strike demanding the release of Peron, the other are those who are refuse to take this action, invoking the union regardless off what they consider an internal problem of the military government. In the vote C.C.C. succeed the first by 21 votes to 19, the labor union calls for general strike on 18 October (the text of the call to strike did not directly mention Peron, but demanded "freedom for all civilian and military prisoners ... "The CGT as such could not call out for freedom of someone who was not labor).
By taking this step the C.G.T. coordinates and channels a protest movement that was growing from the bases barely heard of the arrest of Peron.
The state of mobilization, both in com unions in the districts of Greater Buenos Aires, carried in the early hours of 17 October the workers leave the work and returning to the Plaza de Mayo, (the following is true abandonment instructions of the strike committee of the CGT).
The government initially hampered the mobilization, but divisions among military leaders, prevents him from obtaining the unanimous support of the Armed Forces to begin clamping.
In the final hours of freedom are commanded by Colonel Peron (at that time was in the Military Hospital) is moved to the Casa Rosada, from whose balconies addresses the crowd.
Peron accelerates its upward around his figure heterogeneous link together two political and social fronts.
The impact of popular mobilization was very great in the various sectors of society, Moon points out com;
"He was without doubt the most important day of our contemporary history because he pointed out the fallacy of the traditional parties and the factors previously existing power to exalt an element that everyone had always invoked, but that did not exist as physical fact Specifically: the masses, pure people, common man who broke the schemes of their leaders, even the most respectable, to impose its will "(17)
CAMPAIGN
After those great feats of strength and mobilization of the two fields of society-that of Argentina, September 19 and October 17, starts the election campaign. But while the "Democratic Union" which is being realized, will have the party machines of its components in the opposite camp there were no parties or mechanisms that could take advantage, it should create organizations that endorse the submission of Peron had past situation in retirement-election bid. On October 24 the Labor Party was founded based on the unions. All its leaders come from the union camp, among others are: Luis Gay (phone), Cipriano Reyes (meat), Monsalvo (rail), Perez (commercial), José Tesoriere, Alcides Montiel, several of them from socialist, syndicalist or anarchist which proclaim Perón's candidacy for president. On the 29th of the month there is a detachment of the Radical Civic Union which is constituted as UCR (Renewal Board) in support of Peron. The same is to be elected vice presidential candidate, the nominee is Hortensio Quijano. These two
new parties will receive support from members of FORGE importantísimmo (Radical guiding force of the Young Argentina) which was dissolved on 15 November 1945. His brief record of solution leaves no doubt:
"Declares that the thought and the aims pursued by creating WROUGHT are met by defining a popular movement in political and social conditions that are the collective expression of national will and resolve (...) dissolving WROUGHT action by releasing its affiliates.
Arthur Firman Jauretche - President
Darío Alessandro - Secretary of the Assembly "(18)
These two organizations, the Labor Party and UCR (Renewal Board) - will join smaller groupings such as "civic center" and the inside and the Radical Civic Union in Salta Yrigoyenist wins provincial elections. As we can see in this field has been a social and political front but unlike the opponent, there is a hegemonic figure is Colonel Peron.
The Democratic Union proclaims the formula consisting of the radicals, José P. Tamborini candidate for president and vice president Enrique Mosca December 27, 1945. At the same convention is ratified participation in the Union for Democracy and approving the election platform (despite the opposition of Amadeo Sabattini, Honorio Pueyrredón and Elpidio Gonzalez among others in the future Intransigence, who oppose the participation of the UCR the Democratic Union).
As we see the peak summer is 45-46, Argentina society massively involved in the acts of both political and social fronts. The leading candidates touring the country on trains of the "Freedom" or "La Victoria".
The Argentine episcopate issued a pastoral where combat atheism and praises the law of religious education in schools (giving thus a latent support for the formulation of the Labor Party).
The last months of the season pass without major incident. There are only two elements which some analysts took to the electorate to dump the formula Perón-Quijano. The first was the discovery of a significant contribution of money to the campaign funds of Democratic Union by a camera bosses.
The second element of fundamental importance was the publication of the "Blue Book" by the Department of State United States. This publication, driven by Braden, accusing the Argentine government and Peron of Nazi fascism friendly activities. To base the prosecution was based on some documents seized in the German Chancellery and through its manipulation was to demonstrate that Peron and his collaborators were the bridgehead in Latin America from the Axis forces.
The effect on society caused Argentina's exactly the opposite from that intended, as an important sector will vote for candidates of the Labor Party in protest at U.S. interference in the election campaign. It's worth noting that it is polarized in a single slogan Braden or Peron.
To end the electoral landscape analysis transcribe Smith Jr., mentioned by Alberto Ciria:
"While the Democratic Union promised" social justice "to Argentine workers, Peron could draw attention to the specific benefits that are attached, including salary increases, bonuses and discounts for rentals, with the caveat that these benefits were only a sample of what to expect if elected president. " (19)
The election is held on February 24, the formula Perón-Quijano wins by 56% of the vote against 44% of Tamborini-Mosca.
The various forces considered the elections generally as beyond reproach.
CONCLUSIONS
Peronism has been characterized from an identification with European models falls within the Fascism, Bonapartism or Caesar. An attempt to define it as a result of the transition or emerging that crosses traditional agrarian society on their way to a modern industrial society. This, for example, is the thesis of Gino Germani and Torcuato Di Tella.
Rodolfo Puigróss defines it as a national liberation movement, multi-class, popular and revolutionary base (identified with national liberation movements emerged with the decolonization process, which occurs at the end of WWII).
Michael Richard Jeni Murmis and characterize it as the expression of a developmental stage of the class struggle in Argentina (marking it as a degree or level of development of class consciousness of Argentine workers).
These are some of the many interpretations that emerge from studies of Peronism address, from sociology, political theory and historical sociology.
We have tried-and without claiming any comparison with such work-relate the origins of Peronism and the international context, considering the features essential for our country dependent. As posed by the historian Horacio Pereyra:
"In countries dependent historical times are not determined by themselves. Peron developed a successful strategy for achieving power, favored by the international situation was conditioned (...) externally by the refusal of U.S. aggression, and internally by transnationalized sectors and partners, plus those who took refuge in a narrow-minded opposition "(20)
This narrow-minded opposition, "Pereyra-posed will mechanically transfer scheme vs. Fascism. Anti-Fascist Front, ignoring the specificity of the real situation in Argentina. It falls into the mistake of not differentiating that Nationalism is a developed country expansionist policy, is fascism or Nazism but in one country is dependent anti-imperialism.
Antifascist Fronts In that form under the "guidance" of the Allied powers there is an arc of solidarity that goes from the Catholics, socialists and liberals to communists, fighting with weapons in hand against the occupation forces. As you can move this situation to a totally different process conditions as is Argentina?
How the components of the Democratic Union allow public and shameless interference of S. Braden?
We believe that, when Peron, the business cycle of a process concerning social and economic pop does not fit into the frameworks of the traditional political superstructure, which excludes the "free and democratic world" in the fight against the "Nazi-fascism .
From this process we can say that the emerging phenomenon of Peronism would be recognition within the social structure of the new sector that has developed, and workers. In the same way that the middle sectors are incorporated through the turn of the century radicalism.
It's worth noting that this addition, workers goes far beyond economic and social achievements, as he claims D. James:
"The fundamental appeal of Peronism is its ability to redefine the notion of citizenship within a broader context, essentially social. The question of citizenship itself and access to full political rights, was a powerful aspect of Peronist discourse, where he was part of a language of protest, popular, high profile, facing political exclusion (.. .) partly also the strength of that interest for the political rights of citizenship stemmed from the record of scandals of the "infamous decade" that followed the overthrow of the military Yrigoyen in 1930 "(21)
The relationship established with the United States after the triumph of Perón-Quijano formula is developed along the same route that occurred during these three years we have looked, at times with big ups and downs. When the Allied front was broken and the Cold War begins, separating into two blocks, the victors of the war, Argentina will lift the policy of the Third Position in the international arena and will be one of the few countries that will not to participate in the Korean War, beginning in 1950.
Are to develop themes of fundamental importance as the welfare state conepto relationof applied to the Peronist government. The planning of the economy through the Five Year Plan. As it implements the I.A.P.I. We could put many points, but our goal is to bring a material, trying to take a different approach to relate the international situation, its incidence, with the Argentine political moment.
(1) Jones, Gareth Stedman, "Rethinking Chartism" Languages of Class: Studies in English Working. Cambridge, 1984.
(2) Matsushita, Hiroschi: Argentine Workers Movement, 1930-45: projections in the origins of Peronism ".
(3) BAGU, Sergio: "Argentina in the World - The reality Argentina in the Twentieth Century."
(4) DIAZ ARAUJO, Enrique: "The conspiracy of 43 - The GOU: militaristic experience in Argentina".
(5) Scenna, Michelangelo: "The long misunderstanding. History of the Argentine-Yankees. The time of confrontation. "
(6) DIAZ ARAUJO, Henry, op. cit.
(7) Fayt, Carlos S.: "The nature of Peronism".
(8) CIRIA, Alberto: "Parties and Power in Modern Argentina (1930-1946).
(9) RUBIO, José Luis: "The international workers in America."
(10) Scenna, Miguel Angel: "F.O.R.J.A. Una Aventura Argentina - (Yrigoyen to Peron). "
(11) Ibid.
(12) Garcia Lupo, Rogelio: "The revolt of the generals". This book tells the story broadly S. Braden.
(13) Smith, Jr.: "Yankee Diplomacy" taken from Ciria Alberto.
(14) Ghioldi, Rodolfo: "The Communists in the service of our country."
(15) Scenna, Miguel Angel: "F.O.R.J.A. ...
(16) LUNA, Felix: Argentina from Peron to Lanusse 1943/1973.
(17) Ibid.
(18) Document: Minutes of dissolution F.O.R.J.A.
(19) CIRIA, Alberto: "Matches ...
(20) PEREYRA, Horacio: "Some theories for the analysis of Peronism (1943-1955)"
(21) James, Daniel, "Resistance and Integration." Peronism and the working class Argentina 1946-1976. Translation of Luis Justo
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