Sila reattached the right of initiative of the tribunes the consent of the Senate (pp. 67 and 107). Restricted to the ancient right of veto (intercessio ") that had been growing the whole activity of the tribunes, and established penalties for abuse. Even more deeply wounded by this office provision that should be banned henceforth tribunes submit candidacy for higher positions of the state. Initiated ambitious young independent political career often occupying the tribune. Yes he now brought with it the renunciation of the very profitable provincial governors, applicants nobles had to stay far from it, so that lost judiciary, the lack of big personalities, much of its prestige and also compared between the crowd.
Sila also limited positions ordinarily occupied by the aristocracy, and that to prevent the excesses of eminent personalities. The choice of opponents to such charges could not be thwarted by any precautions. In the office they could become dangerous, but, upon completion of their duties, they were able to do much in the Senate with his single dissenting vote. The higher charges were linked to Italy, which was now a peaceful and unified territory, therefore, did not need a standing army. Only after the annual function, the consuls and the magistrates would like proconsuls and propraetor to the provinces, where government and assumed command of the army. The danger of revolution was thus reduced significantly. Being away from the capital and, therefore, no close contact with the urban party bosses, the military command could not be exploited so easily, the less so because the territory of the city should not ordinarily be trampled by the forces armed. A Sila censors took away the option of completing the Senate and set at 600 the number of its members by incorporating elements addicted to it, and to provide the steady increase in the Senate rose to 20 the number of such inferior Officers, Quaestors , providing for its membership in the tall body. To further increase the prestige of the Senate, Sulla took from rival layer, chivalry, the privileges granted him by Caius Gracchus, firstly the role of jurors, which was returned to the Senate.
In addition, Sila regulated credit with setting a maximum interest rate and the judicial process with the increase in criminal chambers, so that one has the impression that he did not intend to achieve results only momentary. Personal power was little significance in their plans. When he felt his work accomplished and assured for the future, deposed, just sixty years, his dictatorial powers. But precisely here is his miscalculation. If she wanted to be a "tyrant" or ruler of Rome, its action would have left a more lasting effect. But what Gaius Gracchus, Saturninus, Druse clearly seen, ie that only a personal power (monarchy), which should disappear before all other differences, not an aristocratic republic, could perform the world-historical mission of Rome, not never presented to the mind of Sulla, who have had the strength to carry that plan.
Sila had designed and completed his work as a whole. Accustomed to the blind obedience of his legions, also believed that a statesman would be satisfied to develop a regulation and establish the bodies for implementation. It was therefore concerned to establish an economic base, which could have supported and maintained their political regulation. Regardless of your credit law, of no value to the proletariat, Sila had not made more than a simple substitution. In place of the veteran Mario and small farmers and other regions Samnium stood its veterans. An estimated 120. 000 of them received land italics, while the dispossessed proletarians became completely devoid of livelihoods and lack of work. This change meant a marked worsening parts of the country's culture. Smallholders were driven from their fields, with the exception of the veterans of Marius, diligent and experienced farmers to work, while the new occupants were wild warriors, who in a short time they had to break to the delight of the large landowners who are hungry for lands. The expelled were concentrated in major cities, mainly in Rome, where they could get some advantage with the exercise of political rights, unless you prefer to seek a living by theft and brigandage. The uncertainty of the regional roads grew frightening proportions. Besides, what other solution to such stocks they had stripped of their property and have no job? Given the competition of slaves, could not think seriously about making a living by wage labor and also had deleted Sila distributions of grain, which previously provided much of the livelihood of the proletariat.
For the duration Silana Constitution, the first major political task of senatorial power, strengthened again, would have been the placement of this new proletariat. In the provinces it had possibilities and increased labor force to those trained have produced large profits. Maybe Sila has figured so the course of his work, whether in general reflected on the further development of its constitution. But such a solution of social problems could not be included in the plans of the aristocratic regime, recently strengthened again, but nothing improved. A Romanization of the provinces, an expansion of the bourgeoisie in the territories which were subject to the spoliation of the ruling circles, had cut the vital thread that society as very productive. This was in abeyance the social problem that had caused the whole revolution, so no wonder it soon will take his revenge by size neglect.
Sila same year had finished his work well, at least I assumed, had to attend to the outbreak of civil war. The farmers organized themselves into bands expelled and tried to grab land with violence to new occupants. Sulla died during these seizures, but before he closed his eyes, one of its most ardent former supporters, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 78, had demanded the abolition of all legislation Silana, including proscriptions, confiscations, Veterans placements, etc.. Lepidus, but politically insignificant, it was perverse that kind of tradition that gives us interested and partial. If so, could hardly have left, and this Sulla still living-the party of the nobility, under whose protection he had done a splendid political career, to enter a competition offering dubious chances of success. Lepidus was the economic misery that the proscriptions, confiscations, etc.., Sulla had determined, and was of the opinion that he could not think of peace while Italy were filled with broken stocks and thirsty for revenge. The party of the Senate was, of course, outraged by the change in front of Lepidus and try innocuous, with accusations that as governor, plundered Sicily, but had to drop the charges. His election to consul occurred despite the strong opposition of his former political friends. As consul, he had to suppress the insurrection of the rural proletariat, exploded in Etruria (Tuscany), but sympathetic in the depths of his heart with the insurgents. Resolved, therefore, agree with his army, which was appended to lots insurgents try to achieve their aims with violence. With such considerable force marched on Rome, but was defeated under the walls of the city and soon after died of pulmonary tuberculosis in Sardinia. Lepidus got only one thing: the distributions of grain removed by Sulla, were restored, which, at least, was the recognition that the expropriation had a right to compensation.
Yet as more violent than was the resistance of the party of the nobility to the radical proposals of Lepidus, the conviction of the unsustainability of the constitution silane seized increasing circles. The aristocracy, without the counterbalance of tribune, censorship and juries (men), emerged as the most pernicious of government systems. Especially in the cases against the provincial governors, true leeches, went to advertising the scariest pictures and administration of Roman justice. In the same field began to wish aristocratic opposition, as evidenced by the fact that a consul of the year 75, Gaius Aurelius Cota, trying to restore the constitution pre - silane; but the wrath of the nobility was so frightened that he himself proposed the repeal of the laws already passed, leaving, however, effective provision whereby the tribunes could again aspire to senior positions.
The decisive step took him five years later, two famous men: Marcus Licinius Crassus and Gnaeus Pompey. Both had been officers of Sulla, honored him with the highest honors, but two had the best opportunity to know the value of the ruling regime, having recently saved the state in an extremely dangerous situation. Pompey had finally destroy the last remnants Marian, who, under the command of Sertorius bravest officer Mario Party, were about to establish an independent state in Spain, in this war, Pompey was much regretted the inability government of Rome. Crassus, on the other hand, after heavy fighting had mastered a tremendous uprising of slaves against those two years were futile efforts of consular armies. A Pompey and Crassus, least of all, could not escape the knowledge that the future belonged to the great democratic ideas of Gracchus, Saturninus, Sulpicio and that only sole power could provide a solution to the chaos by running through the republic. They could go very well, given the prevailing conditions, to the belief of being at that time the only figures worthy of being considered. Pompey was considered, after the death of Sulla, as the first military authority and, in general, as the most outstanding figure in Rome. Crassus was also appreciated as a general, but his influence was based primarily on their nearly immeasurable wealth, acquired mostly through the exploitation of seizures if-wool. For both the enemy who had to overcome was the myopic clique of the Senate, which, despite their rivalry, undertook this struggle together.
Pompey and Crassus were elected consuls for the year 70: both contrary to existing laws, because the first had not yet reached the minimum age provided, and the latter had occupied the Pretura just a year earlier. But the need for "reforms promised by them was so strong that no one objected to his choice. In fact, radically eliminated the scheme, whose implementation contributed themselves. The censors were restored power over the Senate and in the same year were dismissed 64 senators, ie more than 10%. Jurors were taken to the senators, if not entirely, by two thirds, having to share with the Knights and the tribunes erariales latter trusted men of the tribes and appointed by popular election. Finally, the Tribune was reinstated in all their former power and irresponsibility.
Pompey and Crassus had been confined exclusively to the political, economic problem untouched - social. They were too cautious to commit and to risk all his political future attempts to solve the most difficult of all problems: they knew attempts doomed to failure until they had created a strong central power, without which nothing could have been advanced of right in the social field. Resistance not only prevented the owners really effective measures were taken, also the urban proletariat wanted little more than a steady increase in the distributions of grains. Yes those deals were enough to his table and also great games to satisfy your entertainment pleasure, the social problem and almost nonexistent for the society.
The laws of the two rivals were very appropriate to create a solid ground on which to build a strong central power. Only within the jurisdiction of the powers-Senate Cavalry Tribune-personality could become worthless, but not with the misrule indiscrecional one of the three. From this point of view, Pompey and Crassus contributed greatly to the solution of political tension: his personality, made familiar to the people the idea of sole power (monarchy). Pompey was especially so headed boldest hopes and the crowd was always ready to contribute its part to increase its power and prestige. Despite fierce resistance from the Senate, is continually put money available to Pompey and soldiers in such numbers as had never been done before by any citizen or Roman general. Even if those means were intended specifically to fight external enemies, pirates and Mithridates, who had again reared its head after the death of Sulla, was a priori obvious that once acquitted his task would not have left the power, for a seat in the Senate and other senators and give the low-interested political struggle of his vote for either. It was rather expected, given the relationship then existing between the army and its leader, Pompey, leaning on his troops actually took the regency. Had they not, perhaps, both he and Crassus licensed only with great reluctance on their militaries, as stipulated under the constitution? New laurels now offered him Pompey, after which it could no longer pretend it a passive docility.
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