It must be admitted that Tiberius Gracchus had thought, even in dreams, in such developments. Later if other democratic measures, attempted and in part by other leaders of the people, were termed his program, this is nothing more than a deduction "a posteriori". What mainly drove Tiberius Gracchus was the restoration of a healthy people, and earnestly hoped that a renewal of ancient agricultural class could form the basis for the young world power. Much more closer to that goal plans of his brother, Gaius, his superior in talent and energy, who ten years later he served as tribune, trying, with deep and extensive measures not only remove the present evils, but to avoid return forever.
However, what action was taken, however, in Rome the reform movement? While the aristocracy openly showed their anger and vengeance against the supporters of the murdered, his work was left intact. In the joy of victory mingled also fear of the newly chosen path, to the extraordinary spectacle of street fighting. The winners are careful not to provoke the proletariat with new reactionary measures. A second time the crowd would not, of course, lowered their arms in front of senior judges and the gray heads "Yunkers" insurgents. In the many cases brought after the death of Tiberius, the winners are careful not to prosecute the leaders of the movement, preferring modest revenge against citizens and foreign minor figures whose death stirred little minds. He even allowed his brother and his father, along with a replacement of Tiberius, continue exercising the cornice-Riyadh for the implementation of the agrarian law. The nobility wanted to prove he had resorted to violence only because of the aspirations "monarchical" the tribune, but she was holding faithfully to the law and the express will of the people. The business was carried on and the new farmers came into possession of land allocations. If the lists citizens of that era show an increase of nearly 80,000 heads, whereas before it had noticed a decline, this gives an idea of the effects of the agrarian law.
The moderate reformist party, whose head was the "wise" Lelio, believed that on this new base would have lived in peace for some time, ie until the inevitable decline of the old system, slightly reformed again decompose the more advantageous of the present. In his fatwa myopia thought they had found salvation in the inalienability of the property and had no birth increased following the improvement of the material, with the impotence of the new owners homeless off the economic crisis, the adversities , bad harvests, etc.. and the effects of free choice of domicile. In this game it seemed that the most urgent and important it was to terminate the subsequent activities of the Commission of three, which, moreover, was fully justified. Within the Roman territory itself the task was completed, and the Commission had already begun the distribution in the regions of the Confederates, as they were called the Italians, of lands seized in the past and largely leased to them. But this event was played with one of the most pressing problems: the Confederate relations with Rome. This is because the Commission's initial action on the issue Italics transformed from then on one of the most essential elements of the social problem in Italy. The position of the Confederate Italic against Rome was, according to the conventions, since the war against Hannibal (219, -201) favorable as far as which in antiquity was generally determined Allied relations with the preponderant power. The Confederation rested primarily on the military community. The Italians were exempt from taxes and hamstrings, so it did not feel uncomfortable if in times of common danger had to recognize the Roman command to join the army. This obligation became much heavier from the time that it was no longer defend himself against a nearby enemy and common, but serious sacrifices to conquer new sources of exploitation for gracious lords and superiors in Rome and to pursue the urban proletariat metropolis of cheap bread and great shows in the circus. In this regard it is noted that, although the Roman military contingent was already at that time composed largely by the proletariat, such a preponderance of indigent element not noticed even among the Confederates. However, they should provide the full quota agreed, without taking into account the possible lack of children and economic damage resulting in the absence of the sole breadwinner of the family. Moreover, participating in modest proportions in the division of the benefits of war, receiving only a tiny share of the spoils, in this being postponed until the Roman soldiers. All this did not compensate nor about the disadvantages of the Roman imperialist policies. Full of envy the Confederates watched Rome drew the benefits of this policy, by which the conquest of civil rights became his main aspiration. Not all Confederates saw the solution in the granting of Roman citizenship. Until he had broken the principle of the City - State, possession of civil and political rights was of little importance to those living far from Rome. Part of the Confederates refused, then any world politics and was completely rid of a union too expensive.
Moreover, the population of Rome was unwilling to meet that desire. The granting of civil rights to all the Italians appeared to the Romans as a devaluation of the "actions" of the state in more than 50%. Only the most discerning Roman statesmen and clairvoyants should be understood that break the system of plunder, which the old ideal of the State unilaterally consumer had survived and the city - the state was too weak to provide a basis for global empire, and therefore supported Confederate aspirations. They had learned from the examples of the Phoenicians, Athenians and other towns where the expansionist policy had lacked solid foundations. The Confederates now represented by their numerical superiority and their military contingents lower than those of Rome, a danger to the metropolis, especially as the increasing proletarianization of the latter was eventually undermine the physical strength of the people. Rome was losing his healthy and vigorous rural recruits, while the Apennines mountain peoples, especially the Samnites, they could have it out in a lush serious pregnancy.
The problem arose primarily in the sense of whether the confiscation of public lands must stop at the possessions of the Confederates. If a negative decision was essential to give them Roman citizenship and make them share in the benefits of imperialist policy. Roma have won with this procedure because, although the Länder the agricultural class was in sharp decline, the situation was not as bad as in the Roman territory. Considerable number of Roman citizens could find their livelihoods in the territories of the Confederacy. But if they had been confiscated without compensation and for Roman proletarian public lands that were held by the Confederates, provoking a general uprising of the victims. But Rome was not prepared for war italics, as demonstrated by the fact! that even with the aid of the Confederates could barely master the slave revolt erupted in the provinces.
In this plight antireform both moderate reformers like that should not be held or access to the claims of the Confederates, nor irritate them with seizures. In this regard acted especially Scipio Africanus, recently returned from Spain with new laurels of glory. Scipio did make some resolutions, which, although not eliminated the Commission of three, made her helpless body, since it exempted them the ultimate decision on the location of former state land. During the live excitement created by the serious case, Scipio died suddenly, and often expresses the assumption that here is a political assassination, a cowardly act of revenge on the part of graquianos. But then no one thought of a murder and the brother of the dead, nor his friend Laelius, or the Senate, that could hardly have missed such an excellent opportunity to attack Democrats. To the murderers of the conqueror of Africa and Spain the Roman people had certainly had no sympathy. Only the growing exasperation of parties eventually led to the invention of that legend. If you really Scipio died a violent death, as can be assumed some details of his burial, not the murderers were to be sought, indeed, in the democratic camp. And his family had not had any reason to remove the traces of crimes. It was more of a private revenge, which might cast a shadow over the murder also. Also the fact that it completely disregarded public funeral, speaks rather against Scipio than against political opponents.
Scipio died or was killed just as he had announced a speech about the problem of the Confederates. To these were not interested at all be excluded from the law of Tiberius. Many of them claimed right now, and with momentum, Roman citizenship, but with its acquisition should be subject to the above mentioned law. The price did not seem very high and, moreover, regulation of the possession could not hurt either. The agitation was so great that the Senate ordered the expulsion of the Confederates who had settled in Rome, thus depriving them of contact with the Roman tribunes, who favored his claims. The Senate had successfully encouraged a tribune to submit to the popular assembly the proposed expulsion and the people, despite the contrary opinion of his brave officers, adopted at its narrow policy, expulsion, while opposing the motion a burning graquiano, Fulvio Flaco, by which the Confederacy sought to facilitate the acquisition of civil rights.
The rejection of the proposition Flaco was the signal for war. One of the Confederate Communes closest and most powerful, Fregella, immediately declared free of federal obligations, obviously waiting to join him other equally disadvantaged communes. But the uprising was premature. The Italians still lacked organization at all, so it lacked the support expected. Fregella alone could not resist the Roman power, the less so because some traitors within their own walls facilitated the surrender of the city to the besiegers. The terrible Roman court, the Senate, ordered the destruction of Fregella. But the Confederate cause had received its baptism of blood as before the social problem with the murder of Tiberius Gracchus and his adherents, so that there was an assurance that the matter eventually would find a radical solution italics.
Gaius Gracchus, tribune murdered brother, was the one who understood both problems, social and italic, as inextricable and all its implications. He saw clearly that the means hitherto employed were only palliatives to hide the symptoms of evil and radical remedy was, of course, on a new basis of social life in a new state constitution. But there was not time yet to realize all that he regarded as necessary. It was necessary to act with great prudence to gradually accept the people's new political concepts. Until they have discovered and developed parliamentarism, the economic liberation of the masses could not be achieved only by their spontaneous and strong subordination to a powerful will and giving energy to wear down in a sterile politics to devote to the practical interests of the life and social and productive work. Popular sovereignty, with its main organ, the People's Assembly, and was now the biggest injustice to the abe lived far from the center and therefore a political absurdity.; What had happened to her the day they should have access to the aspiration Confederate to be regarded as Roman citizens? Protection against the domination of the people of Rome against the Senate: that was what was required and could not obtain more than one-man rule.
However, the monarchy, one-man rule, tyranny, were the banner under which Gaius Gracchus could have done then your program. Augusto hundred years later still have to beware of giving people the impression that the Republic had ceased to exist. Gaius Gracchus was therefore the preliminary work with great circumspection, taking care of a party to establish the basis for a sole power, and on the other, the powers that be stripped of its power and prestige, and all this less noisy on the road of legislation by the silent creation of precedents that repeat often enough to make them integral parts of customary law, so powerful in Rome.
[pagebreak]
The basis for its activity was the tribune of the people. Cayo held this office for two successive years (123 and 122), however was rejected a proposal shortly before laying wanted to declare admissible the continued exercise of the office of tribune. To him it was enough that no law specifically prohibited. His enemies did not dare to oppose the reelection, consoling himself with the petty argument that there were no opposing nominations for Graco. This presented its candidacy for a third time, giving it clear how he imagined the legal basis for the necessary one-man rule. And if they got elected for third time, he taught, however, the road followed a century after Augustus with better success.
If we examine the activity of Gaius Gracchus, especially the legislative, the detail, without considering that most of their laws should be only transitional laws of combat, the latter should appear at many points demagogic, inconsistent and wrong, as his brother, also aimed to strengthen the agricultural class economically italics, but his plan was not confined to Italy, where the available land should be depleted over time. Expect much Colony Junonia especially established for him in Africa on site of ancient Carthage. A flourishing Carthage as part of the Roman Empire was decentralized, in fact, constitute a very attractive prospect for a statesman of long view. Through a well-ordered settlement in the provinces, could achieve the same romanization and organic development in the metropolis, losing them their character as objects of exploitation.
On the other hand, was not afraid Graco weaken the success of its laws to make concessions to the currents of the day. While its colonial policy sought to dam the growth of the proletariat, gave him the opportunity to continue vegetating in the capital established by law regulate the distribution of cereals, wheat and precisely at mid-market price, which until then had provided only a measure of an extraordinary nature in times of famine. Their standardization meant to share in the urban proletariat Rome drew entries from the provinces, so it was only injustice that this participation was limited to Rome, while the people outside were excluded from this advantage. Graco's intention was to strengthen the independence of citizens, disable corrupting offers aspiring to public office and so delete the market unworthy of the vote. But the state grant could not be as relevant as to leave no remaining attracting private offerings. Besides, that attracted new proletarian masses far from the countryside to the city, while the agrarian laws were aimed at reducing the urban proletariat. Gaius Gracchus but still could not renounce the support of the proletariat. He had to have a strength factor, constitutionally recognized, to assert extra-personal power. But in the bottom of these inconsistencies are always great and real phones, not petty and selfish desires of dominance or revenge. For the depth and breadth of its program is perceived to Graco never expected to see its full realization in the course of his life. Yes its purpose had been personal, then he could have obtained more easily by way of open rebellion. The Roman proletariat hungry Confederate Italic very unhappy, piles of slaves often in open rebellion: these were factors which might force easily destroy the power of the Senate. But such a result would not have been of long duration, it would only be linked to the personality of the driver, while that Graco absolutely wanted to avoid the anarchy that would have come with her disappearance. So let a time more distant, more mature reap what he sowed.
Even his attempt to break the close connection between the power of the high court and capital, between the class of senators and the knights, could produce lasting effects over time. Certainly the financial capital could still acquire great importance in the development of industry and commerce, but hardly Gaius Gracchus sympathies harbored many capitalists then. However, did his best to turn his political allies. He proposed to confer the privileges and the insignia of the senatorial class, achieving at a very low price, causing deep temper between the two groups hitherto allies. Proceeded even more radical by transferring the gentlemen jurors until then reserved for senators. The essential task of this office was to fail in the accusations against the provincial governors or propraetor eager-proconsuls, and just then some of these governors had been acquitted by his classmates despite his obvious guilt. In the provinces the interests of the governors from the ranks of the Senate, often clashed badly with the tenants' tax contributions (publicani) belonging to the class of knights, so presumably was now very onwards those jurors would always rule in favor of tenants and against the officials. Graco also came here to deny his political principles - economic. The province of Asia, ie the inheritance of Pergamum, which had previously been treated with great care, was delivered to the ruthless plundering of the "publicani" who kept their noble duty so to provoke radical, a generation afternoon, a Roman general slaughter of the natives. Indeed, Graco got an immediate end to be proposed. The capitalists (men) acquired the awareness that until now had lacked against the privileges of senators, while they were with their class and deep bitterness as other people could now be imposed for its bearing to the masses.
Grace also has limited power and certain laws of bureaucracy, for example in regard to military conscription and the enforcement of penalties, is less important for the scope of these as significant for the spirit that informed all his legislation. Of greater significance is the fact that Gracchus sought to undermine the power of the Senate, based more on tradition than law. Rightly thought that at that time to trust the people in the Senate and which were based on the powers delegated or conferred to it, was the most excellent support for the senatorial class. To destroy that trust, often undeserved, Graco did not appeal to the reform of the constitution, but preferred to settle for the creation of history, whose effectiveness was shown in the future. From a constitutional standpoint, Graco was perfectly legal field when submitting bills to people without asking the opinion of the Senate before, and yes this was contrary to generally accepted usage, he, on the other hand, made more use ample of that right. He wore it to the Assembly by the people, the tribes, the most varied subjects of government, especially financial ones, until then reserved to the sole decision of the Senate, so he could promote with particular zeal, through the popular assembly, public works, thus ensuring work and sustenance to a large number of people. With these measures Senators snatched the opportunity to exploit these businesses for their own benefit, while, on the other hand, asserted his belief that the people could well do without the political tutelage of the Senate.
Along this road could have been achieved, certainly not fast, but surely, the great goal: the power balance between external and internal social and political situation. Everything seemed to work optimally. In the two years of tribune Gaius Gracchus had been recognized as head of the college of tribunes, however, had proved very weak opposition of the aristocratic party, fearful for his life. Things were going so well that Graco overestimated the strength of their position and thought he could get people's support for a proposal to this unfriendly. Here we showed very clearly that the Roman plebs or was in condition to appreciate the powerful personality of the great statesman, nor in the least understand the vastness of its policy. Until Graco propositions appeared to produce immediate and material advantage, the people received them with enthusiasm, but if he thought he saw in one of them harm, although transient and small, the close link between the head and the mass was broken suddenly. Gaius Gracchus wanted, even though the law Italic Fulvio Flaco few years earlier had found a "no" strict "to try again a solution of this burning issue, because clearly saw how great and next was the danger that threatened Rome especially in a time of serious internal strife. And he, therefore, the first step with a temporary and conciliatory proposition. Only Latinos, that is, the Confederates more closely together with Rome, and then favored in many aspects, should be granted full Roman citizenship, while others are remembered Italic privileges hitherto enjoyed by Latinos. But this proposal also failed to narrow policy of the crowd and Graco cost much of their popularity.
The party had warned the Senate, by this fact, which Gaius Gracchus had its dominant position not his strong personality, nor their ultimate goal, but to small material advantages that their projects contributed to the mass. It was, therefore, a very clever idea to supplant the Graco in the esteem of the people submitting to this demagogic measures. A docile instrument in the Senate found the tribune Marcus Livius Drusus, a very ambitious aristocrat, who ran for tribune in the exercise of the basis for his political career. Gaius Gracchus was then in Africa, engaged in the organization of the Colony Junonia on site of ancient Carthage. Drusus introduced the resolution to found, rather than extra-italic colonies proposed by Graco, italics twelve colonies, which would not have been possible without significantly harming the Confederates. This mattered little to the crowd, which preferred to receive livelihood in the country of origin regions migrate to foreign duty. Livius Drusus himself was well aware of the insurmountable difficulties that would have opposed the implementation of your project, and therefore, very wisely, said that would not, under any condition, be part of the executive committee, thus arousing a good impression, the more since the Gracchi had already caused resentment for having to take family members of the executive committees. In addition, heavily scared the crowd with the horrible story of storms and wild animals, which would hit the borders of the new colony Junonia and destroy the work undertaken. They could not fail in this task augurs intimidation, announcing the hostile disposition of the gods on the new colony.
When Gaius Gracchus came back from Africa, found its place in the heart of the village occupied by his colleague Livius Drusus, and when presented for the third time he applied for the tribune, not elected. The Senate, considering that the great enemy had lost its former influence among the masses, reputed time to begin the work of reaction, especially since one of the consuls elect, Lucio Opimius, the conqueror of Fregella was a bitter enemy and graquiana energetic policy. Fighting broke out upon presentation of the proposal to remove the colony Junonia. The scenes that had developed on the occasion of the murder of Tiberius, were renewed in even greater proportions. Many hundreds of graquianos were killed, among whom the most illustrious representatives of the political reformer Gaius Gracchus and Fulvio Flaco (121).
The reaction Saturnalia celebrated his blood. Ful everywhere in search of graquianos. In spades they were processed and about 3,000 were strangled in prison. In part it was to remove all standard procedure, when a tribune called the consul to realize overtly illegal conduct, the people, intimidated, until acquitted. The bodies were thrown into the river, and confiscated their estates Graco widow left him to his dowry. It was prohibited from carrying survivors signs of mourning. But the fiercest scorn was the fact that the consul Lucius Opimius could celebrate the carnage as a victory and raise to his memory in the Forum a magnificent temple to the ... "Concordia". A few years later was convicted Opimius winner because as commander in chief in the war against Jugurtha, the Numidian prince had been untainted by it, thereby having to champion the noble end his life in exile.
No comments:
Post a Comment